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  • 1
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Cambridge University Press (CUP) ; 2008
    In:  British Journal of Political Science Vol. 38, No. 4 ( 2008-10), p. 621-656
    In: British Journal of Political Science, Cambridge University Press (CUP), Vol. 38, No. 4 ( 2008-10), p. 621-656
    Abstract: A model of policy implementation in a parliamentary democracy as delegation between the prime minister and her cabinet ministers is introduced. Cabinet reshuffles can be pursued as a strategy to reduce the agency loss which occurs due to the different preferences of the actors. This work thus explains why prime ministers resort to reshuffles: cabinet reshuffles reduce the moral hazard facing ministers. This answer both augments and distinguishes this work from traditional perspectives on reshuffles that have emphasized the deleterious effects of reshuffles on ministerial capacity, and also from recent work that casts reshuffles as solutions to the adverse-selection problems inherent in cabinet government. The conclusion offers a preliminary test of some of the hypotheses generated by this theory.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 0007-1234 , 1469-2112
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
    Publication Date: 2008
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 1466320-X
    SSG: 3,6
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  • 2
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Elsevier BV ; 2016
    In:  Electoral Studies Vol. 42 ( 2016-06), p. 276-289
    In: Electoral Studies, Elsevier BV, Vol. 42 ( 2016-06), p. 276-289
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 0261-3794
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: Elsevier BV
    Publication Date: 2016
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 1500317-6
    SSG: 3,6
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  • 3
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    SAGE Publications ; 2015
    In:  Party Politics Vol. 21, No. 4 ( 2015-07), p. 565-576
    In: Party Politics, SAGE Publications, Vol. 21, No. 4 ( 2015-07), p. 565-576
    Abstract: Are the effects of candidate selection through party primaries largely disruptive for political parties or do they have some redeeming features? Icelandic parties have used inclusive nomination procedures since the early 1970s on a scale that is without parallel in other parliamentary democracies. The Icelandic primaries thus offer a unique opportunity to study the effects of primaries in a context that is quite distinct from the most studied primary election system, i.e. the United States, which is characterized by federalism, presidential government and two-party competition. Our findings indicate that, despite four decades of primaries, the Icelandic parties remain strong and cohesive organizations, suffering almost none of the ailments predicted by critics of primary elections. We are careful to point out, however, that context matters and the way parties have adapted also plays a role.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 1354-0688 , 1460-3683
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: SAGE Publications
    Publication Date: 2015
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 1492251-4
    SSG: 3,6
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  • 4
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Institute of Public Administration and Politics - Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration ; 2005
    In:  Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla Vol. 1, No. 1 ( 2005-12-15), p. 5-26
    In: Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla, Institute of Public Administration and Politics - Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration, Vol. 1, No. 1 ( 2005-12-15), p. 5-26
    Abstract: Fylgi flokka í kosningum og skoðanakönnunum er jafnan reiknað í prósentum af gildum atkvæðum. Þegar upp er staðið er það hins vegar fulltrúafjöldinn sem skiptir mestu máli, enda byggir meirihlutamyndun á honum. Þessi grein fjallar um tengsl atkvæðahlutfalls og fulltrúafjölda, einkum í tengslum við íslenskar sveitarstjórnarkosningar. Athugað er hversu algengt það hefur verið að einn flokkur fái meirihluta fulltrúa út á minnihluta atkvæða í bæjarstjórnum á tímabilinu 1930-2002. Jafnframt er athugað hvort það hefði einhverju breytt ef reikniregla St. Laguë hefði verið notuð í stað reiknireglu d'Hondt. Loks er sýnt hvernig bæta má upplýsingagildi skoðanakannana með því að meta líkurnar á því hversu marga fulltrúa hver flokkur fái miðað við tiltekna niðurstöðu könnunar. Reikniregla kennd við d'Hondt hefur lengst af verið notuð til þess að skipta fulltrúum á flokka eftir atkvæðamagni á Íslandi, bæði í hlutfallskosningum til sveitarstjórna og Alþingis. Helsta undantekningin er að kjördæmasætum til Alþingis var skipt samkvæmt reglu stærstu leifar (Largest Remainder-Hare) í kosningum frá 1987-1999 (Ólafur Þ. Harðarson 2002). Regla d'Hondt hefur þann eiginleika að hún er hagstæð stórum flokkum, einkum þegar fjöldi fulltrúa er lítill. Reglan felst í því að deilt er í atkvæðatölu hvers flokks með tölunum 1, 2, 3, 4 o.s.frv. - og hæstu útkomurnar gefa fulltrúa, jafnmarga og kjósa á.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 1670-679X , 1670-6803
    Language: Unknown
    Publisher: Institute of Public Administration and Politics - Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration
    Publication Date: 2005
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2735460-X
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  • 5
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Institute of Public Administration and Politics - Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration ; 2018
    In:  Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla Vol. 14, No. 1 ( 2018-05-30), p. 149-166
    In: Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla, Institute of Public Administration and Politics - Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration, Vol. 14, No. 1 ( 2018-05-30), p. 149-166
    Abstract: The present paper is concerned with the preconditions for ministerial government in Iceland and the role of parliament in sustaining it. Ministerial government is a form of coalition governance where the division of portfolios between parties functions as the basic mechanism of managing coalitions. Ministers are policy dictators in the sense that they control their ministries without interference from their coalition partners. Ministerial government is considered a weak form of coalition governance in the literature on account of its susceptibility to principal-agent problems, i.e., the temptation of ministers to adopt policies which are beneficial to their own party, or themselves, even if they are harmful to the coalition as a whole. We argue that ministerial government was the guiding principle of coalition governance in Iceland prior to the crash of 2008. We demonstrate that given a number of conditions, ministerial government can in fact function effectively in the sense of providing the necessary minimum of inter-coalition checks. Instead of the cabinet providing oversight, however, the parties and committees in parliament play a key role in controlling policy drift. For a number of reasons, the financial crash in Iceland undermined some of the features on which ministerial government rested and coalition co-ordination after the crash has diverged significantly from the preceding period. It is too early, however, to tell whether these represent a permanent shift in coalition management in Iceland.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 1670-679X , 1670-6803
    Language: Unknown
    Publisher: Institute of Public Administration and Politics - Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration
    Publication Date: 2018
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2735460-X
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  • 6
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Institute of Public Administration and Politics - Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration ; 2012
    In:  Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla Vol. 8, No. 2 ( 2012-12-15), p. 221-244
    In: Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla, Institute of Public Administration and Politics - Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration, Vol. 8, No. 2 ( 2012-12-15), p. 221-244
    Abstract: Forsetakosningar á Íslandi hafa ekki mikið verið rannsakaðar af félagsvísindafólki og lítið er þess vegna vitað um hvaða þættir hafa áhrif á úrslit þeirra. Forsetakosningarnar 30. júní 2012 voru óvenjulegar annars vegar vegna þess að sitjandi forseti hlaut alvarlegri mótframboð og lægra hlutfall atkvæða en áður eru dæmi um í forsetakosningum á Íslandi og hins vegar vegna þess að meiri deilur urðu um eðli embættisins sjálfs. Í þessari grein er fjallað um það hvaða þættir höfðu áhrif á úrslitin, á grundvelli könnunar sem gerð var á netinu og annarra gagna. Niðurstöðurnar benda til þess að kjósendur hafi almennt lagt meira upp úr persónulegum þáttum eins og hæfni, ímynd og heiðarleika en málefnum eða stjórnmálaskoðunum frambjóðenda þegar þeir útskýrðu val sitt þótt fram komi að kjósendur meginframbjóðendanna tveggja hafi mjög ólíka sýn á forsetaembættið. Líklegt virðist þó að afstaða kjósenda til ríkisstjórnarinnar hafi verið sterkasti áhrifavaldurinn á niðurstöður kosninganna. Fylgislitlir frambjóðendur virðast í nokkrum mæli hafa skaðast af taktískri kosningu, en ekkert bendir til að það hafi haft veruleg áhrif á úrslit kosninganna.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 1670-679X , 1670-6803
    Language: Unknown
    Publisher: Institute of Public Administration and Politics - Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration
    Publication Date: 2012
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2735460-X
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  • 7
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Cambridge University Press (CUP) ; 2023
    In:  Political Science Research and Methods
    In: Political Science Research and Methods, Cambridge University Press (CUP)
    Abstract: Social connections between individuals can profoundly impact their political behavior. A growing body of research on legislative politics examines how spatial proximity to fellow legislators affects voting behavior within the institution. However, studies that examine this question often suffer from a fundamental identification problem in which proximity effects may reflect actual behavioral diffusion between members or, instead, homophily, in which legislators of a similar political feather flock together. We overcome this observational equivalence by exploiting a unique random seating lottery for seating assignments in the world's oldest existing parliament, Iceland's national legislature, Alþingi. Utilizing this naturally occurring randomization, we employ spatial analyses of more than 20,000 estimates of spatial dependence and find little evidence that seating proximity leads to similar voting behavior by members in this legislative context.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 2049-8470 , 2049-8489
    Language: English
    Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
    Publication Date: 2023
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2720465-0
    SSG: 3,6
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  • 8
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Wiley ; 2013
    In:  European Journal of Political Research Vol. 52, No. 6 ( 2013-10), p. 822-846
    In: European Journal of Political Research, Wiley, Vol. 52, No. 6 ( 2013-10), p. 822-846
    Abstract: The cabinet is a central actor in policy making in parliamentary systems. Yet, relatively little is known about how coalition cabinets operate. The delegation of decision‐making authority to ministers invites policy drift, which threatens the cohesiveness of the cabinet's policy programme. Cabinets employ a variety of methods to contain policy drift. The writing of coalition agreements is among the major tools, but there are others, including limiting ministerial autonomy and the use of junior ministers to shadow ministers. The present study demonstrates that coalition agreements are written to contain policy drift and that it is directly related to the degree of hierarchy in the cabinet. It studies the factors that affect the likelihood of a coalition agreement being written and how extensive they are, if written. Among these are the ideological diversity found in the cabinet, the use of alternative methods for controlling ministers and the complexity of the bargaining situation.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 0304-4130 , 1475-6765
    URL: Issue
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: Wiley
    Publication Date: 2013
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2015420-3
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 184542-1
    SSG: 3,6
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  • 9
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    SAGE Publications ; 2006
    In:  Party Politics Vol. 12, No. 6 ( 2006-11), p. 691-705
    In: Party Politics, SAGE Publications, Vol. 12, No. 6 ( 2006-11), p. 691-705
    Abstract: In many countries, elections produce coalition governments. Downs points out that in such cases the rational voter needs to determine what coalitions are possible, i.e. to ascertain their probability and to anticipate the policy compromises that they entail. Downs adds that this may be too complex a task and concludes that ‘most voters do not vote as though elections were government-selection mechanisms’ (Downs, 1957: 300). We test Downs' ‘pessimistic’ conclusion in the case of the 2003 Israeli election, an election that was bound to produce a coalition government and in which the issue of what the possible coalitions were was at the forefront of the campaign. We show that voters' views about the coalitions that could be formed after the election had an independent effect on vote choice, over and above their views about the parties, the leaders and their ideological orientations. We estimate that for one voter out of ten, coalition preferences were a decisive consideration, that is, they induced the voter to support a party other than the most preferred one. For many others, they were a factor, though perhaps not the dominant one. Furthermore, the least informed were as prone to vote on the basis of coalition preferences as the most informed. Our evidence disconfirms Downs' pessimistic view that voters will decide not to care about the formation of government. When they are provided with sufficient information about the possible options, voters think ahead about the coalitions that may be formed after the election.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 1354-0688 , 1460-3683
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: SAGE Publications
    Publication Date: 2006
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 1492251-4
    SSG: 3,6
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  • 10
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Wiley ; 2017
    In:  Scandinavian Political Studies Vol. 40, No. 1 ( 2017-03), p. 28-60
    In: Scandinavian Political Studies, Wiley, Vol. 40, No. 1 ( 2017-03), p. 28-60
    Abstract: Theories of economic voting and electoral accountability suggest that voters punish incumbent governments for poor economic conditions. Incumbents are thus expected to suffer substantially during significant economic crisis but their successor in office will face the difficult task of reviving the economy. The economic crisis may, therefore, negatively affect government parties in subsequent elections even though the economic conditions may, to a large degree, have been inherited from the previous government. It is argued in this article that economic conditions play an important role in such circumstances as they place specific issues on the agenda, which structure the strategies available to the parties. Therefore, the article studies the 2013 Icelandic parliamentary election in which the incumbent government parties suffered a big loss despite having steered the country through an economic recovery. While perceptions of competence and past performance influenced party support, three specific issues thrust on the agenda by the economic crisis – mortgage relief, Icesave and European Union accession/negotiations – help explain why the centre‐right parties were successful in returning to the cabinet.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 0080-6757 , 1467-9477
    URL: Issue
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: Wiley
    Publication Date: 2017
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 202397-0
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 1492259-9
    SSG: 3,6
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