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  • Cambridge University Press (CUP)  (6)
  • 1
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Cambridge University Press (CUP) ; 2009
    In:  Journal of Public Policy Vol. 29, No. 3 ( 2009-12), p. 327-345
    In: Journal of Public Policy, Cambridge University Press (CUP), Vol. 29, No. 3 ( 2009-12), p. 327-345
    Abstract: The inauguration of Germany's grand coalition of Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and the Social Democrats (SPD) raises questions about the public policy performance of a coalition of ideological opposite. This paper turns attention to influence of coalition governments on the size of government in the German Laender from 1992 to 2005. We investigate whether grand coalitions at the sub-national level in Germany systematically affect government spending for education (including cultural affairs) and internal security. The article argues that the effects of grand coalitions on the size of the public sector are moderated by partisan politics but sometimes in unexpected ways. For example, government spending in the field of education is reduced when leftist parties are powerful in the Laender.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 0143-814X , 1469-7815
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
    Publication Date: 2009
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 875351-9
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 1479886-4
    SSG: 3,4
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  • 2
    In: European Political Science Review, Cambridge University Press (CUP)
    Abstract: While conventional wisdom connects crises and external threats to increasing support for populism, several questions remain unanswered. Following insights of affective intelligence theory (AIT), we posit that anger and fear elicited by pandemic threat relate differently to populist attitudes. While such relations have already been explored in the context of other hazards (such as financial turmoil, terrorism, or immigration), our study allows us to evaluate the emotional bedrocks of populism in the context of a threat that is not apparently connected to the classical political grievances underlying populism. Expanding the literature on psychological underpinnings of populism and on the political consequences of the pandemic, our analyses of original survey data support our contentions that pandemic threat-induced anger is positively related to populist attitudes while fear is negatively linked to populist stances. This holds in particular for anti-elitism and the Manichean outlook inherent in populism. Altogether, we provide new comparative evidence to the puzzle about the emotional bedrocks of populism by illuminating a domain that has not been systematically explored before.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 1755-7739 , 1755-7747
    Language: English
    Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
    Publication Date: 2023
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2491697-3
    SSG: 3,6
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  • 3
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Cambridge University Press (CUP) ; 2014
    In:  Politics and Religion Vol. 7, No. 2 ( 2014-06), p. 418-443
    In: Politics and Religion, Cambridge University Press (CUP), Vol. 7, No. 2 ( 2014-06), p. 418-443
    Abstract: This article combines the research strands of moral politics and political behavior by focusing on the effect of individual and contextual religiosity on individual vote decisions in popular initiatives and public referenda concerning morally charged issues. We rely on a total of 13 surveys with 1,000 respondents each conducted after every referendum on moral policies in Switzerland between 1992 and 2012. Results based on cross-classified multilevel models show that religious behaving instead of nominal religious belonging plays a crucial role in decision making on moral issues. This supports the idea that the traditional confessional cleavage is replaced by a new religious cleavage that divides the religious from the secular. This newer cleavage is characterized by party alignments that extend from electoral to direct democratic voting behavior. Overall, our study lends support to previous findings drawn from American research on moral politics, direct democracies, and the public role of religion.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 1755-0483 , 1755-0491
    Language: English
    Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
    Publication Date: 2014
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2417736-2
    SSG: 0
    SSG: 1
    SSG: 3,6
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  • 4
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Cambridge University Press (CUP) ; 2011
    In:  European Political Science Review Vol. 3, No. 2 ( 2011-07), p. 201-227
    In: European Political Science Review, Cambridge University Press (CUP), Vol. 3, No. 2 ( 2011-07), p. 201-227
    Abstract: Ongoing changes in social structures, orientation, and value systems confront us with the growing necessity to address and understand transforming patterns of tolerance as well as specific aspects, such as social tolerance. Based on hierarchical analyses of the latest World Values Survey (2005–08) and national statistics for 28 countries, we assess both individual and contextual aspects that influence an individual's perception of different social groupings. Using a social tolerance index that captures personal attitudes toward these groupings, we present an institutional theory of social tolerance. Our results show that specific institutional qualities, which reduce status anxiety, such as inclusiveness, universality, and fairness, prevail over traditional socio-economic, societal, cultural, and democratic explanations.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 1755-7739 , 1755-7747
    Language: English
    Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
    Publication Date: 2011
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2491697-3
    SSG: 3,6
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  • 5
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Cambridge University Press (CUP) ; 2021
    In:  European Political Science Review Vol. 13, No. 1 ( 2021-02), p. 59-76
    In: European Political Science Review, Cambridge University Press (CUP), Vol. 13, No. 1 ( 2021-02), p. 59-76
    Abstract: Recognizing democratic backsliding and increasing support for authoritarianism, research on public preferences for democracy and its authoritarian alternatives has gained traction. Moving beyond the extant focus on economic determinants, our analysis examines the effect of national identity, demonstrating that it is a double-edged sword for regime preferences. Using recent European Values Survey data on 24 European countries from 2017 to 2018, we show that civic national identity is associated with a higher support for democracy and lower support for authoritarian regimes, whereas the reverse holds for ethnic identities. Further, economic hardship moderates these relationships: it strengthens both the negative effect of ethnic national identities and, to some extent, the positive effect of civic national identities on democracy support vis-à-vis authoritarian alternatives. This has important implications for the survival of democracy in times of crises and the study of a cultural backlash, since social identity matters substantively for individuals’ responses to economic hardship.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 1755-7739 , 1755-7747
    Language: English
    Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
    Publication Date: 2021
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2491697-3
    SSG: 3,6
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  • 6
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    Cambridge University Press (CUP) ; 2007
    In:  British Journal of Political Science Vol. 37, No. 2 ( 2007-04), p. 359-367
    In: British Journal of Political Science, Cambridge University Press (CUP), Vol. 37, No. 2 ( 2007-04), p. 359-367
    Abstract: In this research note we have set ourselves the following three principal objectives. First, we show that the well-known concept of consensus democracy, which covers various forms of the division of power, involves analytical problems. Confusion may arise when relating consensus democracy to government action, because the institutions subsumed under the broad concept of consensus democracy, such as executive power-sharing, the multiparty system and federalism, are likely to have different and contradictory effects on the size of government. In this vein, we provide considerable evidence that different aspects of consensus democracy have contradictory effects on government size. In doing so, we endorse the view that it is only variance in the type of democracy (majoritarian versus consensus democracy) that causes systematic differences in government action. Secondly, in scrutinizing the contradictory effects of various aspects of consensus democracy on government size, we distinguish and operationalize the three different analytical views of Crepaz, Lijphart and Tsebelis on how political institutions may be distinguished with regard to their veto nature. Thirdly, we try to close a gap in understanding comparative politics, by quantifying and comparing the veto potential of direct democracy. International comparative investigations of the effects of direct democracy on public policy are hardly possible. The Swiss cantons present themselves as a suitable alternative source of evidence, given that they vary considerably with respect to their plebiscitary elements. To understand why consensus democracies have a contradictory effect on government size, it is crucial to bear in mind that there are two separate dimensions of the majoritarian–consensual contrast.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 0007-1234 , 1469-2112
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
    Publication Date: 2007
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 1466320-X
    SSG: 3,6
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