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  • Benelux / Low Contries Studies  (3)
  • 1
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    SAGE Publications ; 2012
    In:  Second Language Research Vol. 28, No. 4 ( 2012-10), p. 387-413
    In: Second Language Research, SAGE Publications, Vol. 28, No. 4 ( 2012-10), p. 387-413
    Abstract: How well can non-native length contrasts for vowels and for consonants be perceived and is one type more difficult than the other? Three listener groups (native Italian and German as well as advanced German learners of Italian) performed a speeded same–different task involving vocalic and consonantal length contrasts as well as segmental contrasts as controls. Phonologically, Italian, but not German, has a consonantal length contrast, while German, but not Italian, has a vocalic length contrast. Analysis of responses yielded a clear asymmetry: A non-native vowel length contrast was perceived just as well as the native consonantal length contrast. A non-native consonantal length contrast, however, was perceived poorly compared to the native vocalic length contrast: Italians showed higher sensitivity for consonantal length than German learners of Italian, who in turn were better than German non-learners. Reaction time analyses indicated that, despite displaying higher accuracy, the decision was just as difficult for learners as for non-learners, suggesting different types of difficulty for listeners with and without experience with a consonantal length contrast.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 0267-6583 , 1477-0326
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: SAGE Publications
    Publication Date: 2012
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2023712-1
    SSG: 7,11
    SSG: 5,3
    SSG: 7,23
    Location Call Number Limitation Availability
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  • 2
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    SAGE Publications ; 2015
    In:  Second Language Research Vol. 31, No. 4 ( 2015-10), p. 465-491
    In: Second Language Research, SAGE Publications, Vol. 31, No. 4 ( 2015-10), p. 465-491
    Abstract: We investigated the second language (L2) acquisition of pragmatic categories that are not as consistently and frequently encoded in the L2 than in the first language (L1). Experiment 1 showed that Italian speakers linguistically highlighted affirmative polarity contrast (e.g. The child ate the candies following after The child did not eat the candies) in 34.3% of the cases, by producing a nuclear pitch accent on the finite verb (i.e. verum focus accent). Experiment 2 revealed that high-proficient German and Dutch non-native speakers of Italian linguistically encoded polarity contrast more frequently, either using a verum focus accent (German) or lexical markers (Dutch). This corresponds closely to the patterns preferred in their native languages. Our results show L1 transfer on three levels: (1) the relevance of the pragmatic category (i.e. marking polarity contrast on the assertion component), (2) the linguistic markers to encode polarity contrast and (3) the phonetic implementation of the intonational marking. These three levels of transfer have implications for how non-native speakers acquire the L2 discourse organizational principles and the linguistic markers to encode them.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 0267-6583 , 1477-0326
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: SAGE Publications
    Publication Date: 2015
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2023712-1
    SSG: 7,11
    SSG: 5,3
    SSG: 7,23
    Location Call Number Limitation Availability
    BibTip Others were also interested in ...
  • 3
    Online Resource
    Online Resource
    SAGE Publications ; 2014
    In:  Second Language Research Vol. 30, No. 3 ( 2014-07), p. 323-350
    In: Second Language Research, SAGE Publications, Vol. 30, No. 3 ( 2014-07), p. 323-350
    Abstract: Native language prosodic structure is known to modulate the processing of non-native suprasegmental information. It has been shown that native speakers of French, a language without lexical stress, have difficulties storing non-native stress contrasts. We investigated whether the ability to store lexical tone (as in Mandarin Chinese) also depends on the first language (L1) prosodic structure and, if so, how. We tested participants from a stress language (German), a language without word stress (French), a language with restricted lexical tonal contrasts (Japanese), and Mandarin Chinese controls. Furthermore, German has a rich intonational structure, while French and Japanese dispose of fewer utterance-level pitch contrasts. The participants learnt associations between disyllabic non-words (4 tonal contrasts) and objects and indicated whether picture–word pairs matched with what they had learnt (complete match, segmental or tonal mismatch conditions). In the tonal mismatch condition, the Mandarin Chinese controls had the highest sensitivity, followed by the German participants. The French and Japanese participants showed no sensitivity towards these tonal contrasts. Utterance-level prosody is hence better able to predict success in second language (L2) tone learning than word prosody.
    Type of Medium: Online Resource
    ISSN: 0267-6583 , 1477-0326
    RVK:
    Language: English
    Publisher: SAGE Publications
    Publication Date: 2014
    detail.hit.zdb_id: 2023712-1
    SSG: 7,11
    SSG: 5,3
    SSG: 7,23
    Location Call Number Limitation Availability
    BibTip Others were also interested in ...
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